Leader of the Scottish National Party.html



Scottish National Party Pàrtaidh Nàiseanta na h-Alba
Leader	Alex Salmond
Founded	1934
Headquarters	107 McDonald Road Edinburgh EH7 4NW
Ideology	Scottish independence Civic nationalism Social democracy Scottish Nationalism
European affiliation	European Free Alliance
European Parliament Group	Greens-EFA
Official colours	Yellow, Heather
Website
www.snp.org

The Scottish National Party (SNP) (Scottish Gaelic: Pàrtaidh Nàiseanta na h-Alba; Scots: Scottis Naitional Pairtie) is a centre-left political party which campaigns for Scottish independence.¹ In the last few decades, the SNP has normally polled the second highest number of votes for a political party in Scotland. As a result of the 2007 elections, it is the largest party in the Scottish Parliament,² and is running a minority administration in the Scottish Government.

The SNP holds 47 of 129 seats in the Scottish Parliament and currently working a minority government after being unable to gain the support of Scottish Labour, Liberal Democrats or Conservatives as result of the SNP's target of Scottish Independence. The party also hold 2 of 7 Scottish seats in the European Parliament, 7 of 59 Scottish seats in the UK Parliament, and 364 of 1,224 Councillors in local government, helping form 12 out of 32 local administrations.

History

Main article: History of the Scottish National Party

The SNP was formed in 1934 from the merger of the National Party of Scotland and the Scottish Party. The SNP first won a parliamentary seat at the Motherwell by-election in 1945, but Dr Robert McIntyre MP lost the seat at the general election three months later. They next won a seat in 1967, when Winnie Ewing was the surprise winner of a by-election in the previously safe Labour seat of Hamilton. This brought the SNP to national prominence, leading to the establishment of the Kilbrandon Commission. The high point in UK General Elections thus far was when the SNP polled almost a third of all votes in Scotland at the October 1974 general election and returned 11 MPs to Westminster, to date the most MPs it has had.

Party organisation

The SNP consists of local branches of party members. Those branches then form an association in the constituency they represent (unless there is only one branch in the constituency, in which case it forms a Constituency Branch rather than a constituency association). There are also eight regional associations, to which the branches and constituency associations can send delegates.

The SNP's policy structure is developed at its annual national conference and its regular national council meetings. There are also regular meetings of its national assembly, at which detailed discussion (but not finalising) of party policy takes place.

The party has an active youth wing as well as a student wing. There is also an SNP Trade Union Group. There is an independently-owned monthly newspaper, The Scots Independent, which is highly supportive of the party.

The SNP's leadership is vested in its National Executive Committee (NEC) which is made up of the party's elected office bearers and 10 elected members (voted for at conference). The SNP parliamentarians (Scottish, Westminster and European) and councillors have representation on the NEC, as do the Trade Union Group, the youth wing and the student wing.

According to accounts filed with the Electoral Commission for the year ending 2004, the party had a membership of 10,854 in 2004, up from 9,450 from 2003. It had income of about £1,300,000 (including bequests of just under £300,000) and expenditure of about £1,000,000.³ A high profile and controversial donor to the party is the founder of the Stagecoach Group, Brian Souter.⁴

By 31 March 2008, the party's membership had increased to 14,183⁵.

Polling on support for independence has been inconsistent of late. However, an April 2008 poll had shown support for independence at 25% and support for "staying within the United Kingdom" at 59%. A multi-option question within the same poll reported 19% support for independence, 34% for the status-quo and 38% for a Scottish Parliament with additional responsibilities.⁶ However,support for independence in polls is heavily dependent on the way the question is phrased and hence, fluctuates widely .

Policy platform

The SNP's policy base is, by and large, in the mainstream European social democratic mould. For example, among its policies are a commitment to unilateral nuclear disarmament, progressive personal taxation to redistribute wealth from rich to poor, the eradication of poverty, free state education including support grants for higher education students and a pay increase for nurses. It is also committed to an independent Scotland being a full member state of the European Union, to the country joining the single European currency at the appropriate exchange rate and is against membership of NATO.

Contrary to the expectations of many outside the party, the SNP is not expressly republican and its general view is that this is an issue secondary to that of Scottish independence. Many SNP members are republicans though, and both the party student and youth wings are expressly so.

The SNP is committed to maintaining an independent Scotland within the Commonwealth of Nations.

Party ideology

Although it is has a representative majority of the moderate left-of-centre politicans, this has not always been the case. Almost from the party's foundation there have been internal ideological tensions. This was largely a product of the way in which the left-of-centre National Party of Scotland amalgamated with the right-of-centre Scottish Party. Nowadays, ideological tensions within the SNP have been partially resolved.

However, by the 1960s, the party was starting to be defined ideologically. It had by then established a National Assembly which allowed for discussion of policy and was producing papers on a host of policy issues that could be described as social democratic. Also, the emergence of William Wolfe (universally known as Billy) as a leading figure played a huge role in the SNP defining itself as a left-of-centre social-democratic party. He recognised the need to do this to challenge the dominant political position of the Scottish Labour Party.

He achieved this in a number of ways: establishing the SNP Trade Union Group; promoting left-of-centre policies; and identifying the SNP with labour campaigns (such as the Upper-Clyde Shipbuilders Work-in and the attempt of the workers at the Scottish Daily Express to run as a cooperative). It was during Wolfe's period as SNP leader in the 1970s that the SNP became clearly identified as a social-democratic political party.

There were some ideological tensions in the 1970s SNP. The party leadership under Wolfe was determined to stay on the left of the Scottish political spectrum and be in a position to challenge Labour. However, the party's MPs, mostly representing seats won from the Conservatives, were less keen to have the SNP viewed as a left-of-centre alternative to Labour, for fear of losing their seats back to the Conservatives.

There were further ideological and internal struggles after 1979 with the 79 Group attempting to move the SNP further to the left, away from being what could be described a 'social-democratic' party, to an expressly 'socialist' party. 79 Group members including current leader, Alex Salmond, were expelled from the party. This produced a response in the shape of the Campaign for Nationalism in Scotland from those who wanted the SNP to remain a 'broad church', apart from arguments of left vs. right.

The 1980s saw the SNP further define itself as a party of the left, for example running campaigns against the poll tax. It developed this platform to the stage it is at now: a clear, moderate, centre-left political party. This has itself not gone without internal criticism from the left of the party who believe that in modern years the party has become too moderate.

The ideological tensions inside the SNP are further complicated by the arguments between gradualists and fundamentalists. In essence, gradualists seek to advance Scotland to independence through further devolution, in a 'step-by-step' strategy. They tend to be in the moderate -left grouping, although much of the 79 Group was gradualist in approach. However, this 79 Group gradualism was as much a reaction against the fundamentalists of the day, many of whom believed the SNP should not take a clear left or right position.

The position of fundamentalists within the SNP is further complicated by the fact that modern fundamentalists are unlike the old-style. They tend to be on the left of the party, critical of both the gradualist approach to independence and what they perceive as a moderation of the party's socio-economic policy portfolio.

This grouping of "neo-fundamentalists" have their roots within the camp of the former high-profile Labour Party MP Jim Sillars who left Labour to form the short-lived Scottish Labour Party in the 1970's (it had no connection with the UK Labour Party or the current Scottish Labour group in the Scottish Parliament). Sillars eventually joined the SNP, winning the Govan, Glasgow, by-election in 1988 to become an SNP MP. He lost the Westminster seat at the 1992 general election and expressed his disappointment by calling the Scottish people 'Ninety minute patriots'.

European Free Alliance

The SNP retains close links with Plaid Cymru and MPs of both parties co-operate closely with each other. They work as a single group within the House of Commons, and were involved in joint campaigning during the 2005 General Election campaign. Both are in the European Free Alliance (EFA), which works with the European Green Party to form a grouping in the European Parliament: the Greens - European Free Alliance. Although there is no coalition in the Scottish Parliament (the SNP having run a minority government since May 2007) the Scottish Greens supported the appointment of the government under an agreement which also specified areas of common policy and gave the Greens input to the budget process and convenorship of the parliamentary committee on transport, infrastructure and climate change.

Ministers and spokesmen

Party leaders

• Alexander MacEwan (1934-1936)
• Andrew Dewar Gibb (1936-1940)
• William Power (1940-1942)
• Douglas Young (1942-1945)
• Bruce Watson (1945-1947)
• Robert McIntyre (1947-1956)
• James Halliday (1956-1960)
• Arthur Donaldson (1960-1969)
• William Wolfe (1969-1979)
• Gordon Wilson (1979-1990)
• Alex Salmond (1990-2000)
• John Swinney (2000-2004)
• Alex Salmond (2004 - present)

Electoral performance

Criticism

Accusations of anglophobia

The SNP have been charged with being "Anglophobic". In 2000, the Labour party said that two SNP members of the Scottish Parliament were anti-English after they "registered their support for Germany's (2006 Football World Cup) bid on its official website".⁷ The SNP responded that they "have no position on where the World Cup is held" and that it was "silly to describe the website entry as anti-English".⁸

In 1999, the comedian Billy Connolly, a staunch Labour Party supporter, was quoted as saying, "the Scottish Parliament is a joke", and of the SNP, "it's entirely their fault, this new racism in Scotland, this anti-Englishness".⁹ The SNP responded that Scots "are enthusiastic about the parliament and will dismiss his absurd remarks about the SNP for the nonsense they are."¹⁰ The SNP has fielded English and English-born candidates, such as Mike Russell.

Prominent figures in Scottish politics such as Labour's George Foulkes, Baron Foulkes of Cumnock and the Liberal Democrats' Jamie Stone and subsequently Danny Alexander have publicly apologised for calling the SNP "xenophobic".¹¹ SNP MSP Ian McKee has by contrast pointed out his own status in the Scottish Parliament chamber as an Englishman¹² as evidence of there being no such anti-English feeling.

Accusations of 'cash for policies'

The party has been criticised over a £500,000 donation from the transport businessman Brian Souter. One month later, in April 2007, the SNP's commitment (made at the party's 2006 conference) to re-regulate the bus network was not included in their 2007 manifesto, although the SNP denies any direct link.¹³. Opposition politicians suggested that the donation and policy shift were linked and that it was a case of "cash for policies".¹⁴

Brian Souter went on to make a further donation of £125,000 to the SNP, making him their single biggest donor¹⁵. Souter made approaches to the SNP government for a £3 million subsidy for his company, Stagecoach, to develop a hovercraft service between Kirkcaldy and Portobello in Scotland¹⁶. The service had already received subsidy from the previous Labour administration for the pilot scheme, but was put on hold pending "clarification" of the public sector's involvement¹⁷.

See also

• List of Scottish National Party MPs
• It's Scotland's oil
• Robert Cunninghame-Graham
• Sean Connery
• Scottish Independence
• Scottish Independence Party
• Scottish Socialist Party

References

This article needs additional citations for verification. Please help improve this article by adding reliable references. Unsourced material may be challenged and removed. (May 2007)

Further reading

• SNP:The History of the Scottish National Party, by Peter Lynch, 2002
• The Flag in the Wind, by John MacCormick, 1955
• Scotland Lives: the Quest for Independence, by Billy Wolfe, 1973
• Scotland: the Case for Optimism, by Jim Sillars, 1985
• Stop the World; The Autobiography of Winnie Ewing, 2004

External links

• SNP website
• SNP Manifesto - 2005 Westminster General Election 'Make Scotland Matter'
• Scots Independent newspaper website 'Flag in the Wind'
• The Scotsman newspaper - newsfeeds - 'SNP' - XML, RSS, JavaScript
• Edinburgh University Library, Special Collections Division Collection of material relating to the Scottish National Party
• Scottish Politics - Information about election results in Scotland.
• European Free Alliance website
• The Greens/European Free Alliance Group in the European Parliament - website
• Scots vote reinforces antinuclear position

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